Somalia: Failed State Expired?

Alshabab Policeman
Somalia: Failed State Expired? - Maximilian M. Meduna


For the past two decades, the ‘failed state’ of Somalia has been ravaged by protracted violence and famine, armed clashes between warlords, and their unpredictably shifting alliances. As the extended mandate of the corrupt and dysfunctional Transitional Federal Government nears its expiration date in August 2012, increasing international attention has created an impetus for a renewed consolidation process leading to the recent London Conference on Somalia. This paper assesses the realistic options for a shift towards peaceful governance, and examines what lessons can be learned from the hitherto existing international approach that has fueled rather than averted violent conflict.


In 1960, the Somali Republic inherited administratively distinct territories upon its independence from the British and Italian colonial powers. Ethnically and religiously a homogeneous entity, it subsequently struggled for nine years in a process of political consolidation that ended with a military coup d’état. Highly reliant on the bipolar theatre of the Cold War, President Siad Barre ruled the country in an increasingly autocratic fashion until 1991, when he was ousted by clan-based opposition groups. Two decades of “socialist” dictatorship established the concept of central governance in a society that had traditionally always been highly decentralized, where power was dispersed among clans and regional alliances. The Somali Civil War that followed the collapse of statehood in 1991 resulted in half a million casualties, not counting the victims of famines exacerbated by the conflict or the millions of refugees and internally displaced persons that resulted from the conflict. The subsequent civil war politicized and militarized clan structures, while empowering a multitude of warlords to compete for political dominance.[1]

From 1992 to 1995, international intervention mandated by the United Nations failed to achieve any success due to inadequate preparation and structure, a lack of understanding over local dynamics, and failures to adequately consider domestic politics and interests on the side of intervening states, most notably those of the United States.[2] The world decided to look away for another decade while the northwestern province of Somaliland, which had unilaterally declared independence in 1991, gradually developed structures of functional governance and stability.[3] In 2004 the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) was appointed as a result of prolonged negotiations in Djibouti between warlord factions, militias, and international mediators. Five years later, Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed, former Commander in Chief of the Islamic Courts Union (ICU) and Chairman of the Alliance for the Re-Liberation of Somalia (ARS) – previously an opposition group fighting the TFG – became the current  President until his government’s mandate expires in August 2012.[4]

Externally constructed policies aimed at shifting power to central authorities and restoring functional government and statehood are being challenged by the high degree of corruption and inefficiency within the existing structures. By promoting top-down state-building, international actors are fuelling violent conflict and creating incentives for faction and clan leaders to fight for territorial dominance and political influence in order to monopolize profits from the existing war economy. This has also facilitated the rise of Islamist groups seeking to implement ideological foundations at the core of the institutional setup of government. State-building, as realized by the TFG and endorsed by the international community, remains a structural factor of instability in Somalia. Ironically, it is both the cause of, and the main response to, the country’s dire situation.

The Status Quo: A Glimpse beneath the Surface

Despite numerous efforts to create stability and security, reflected by more than a dozen failed peace conferences and attempts to establish an inclusive government of national unity, Somalia remains in a state of insecurity and violence. International aid certainly dampens the mutually reinforcing impacts of environmental disaster and violent conflict, but at the same time it also sustains a persistent war economy that allows individual leaders to capitalize on the aid and divert power and money to their advantage at the expense of the public. The war economy is also sustained by other capital inflows from external actors and states – notably Ethiopia[5] and Kenya – to favored factions, and through the proliferation of small arms and light weapons (SALW).[6] Finally, the practice of conducting internationally supported, large-scale, top-level peace conferences outside of the territory has hitherto been the ultimate incentive for illegitimate and self-appointed leaders to co-opt the process. Costly attempts to sustain the TFG “on life support”[7] have produced very few significant political results. The successful ousting of the radical Islamist al-Shabaab[8] from Mogadishu in January by pro-TFG forces is certainly a positive step, but such erratic successes build the illusion that the status-quo policies are working.

Beneath the surface of complex power dynamics, personal interests and strategies is a completely different reality of Somali society. At the core of current power-sharing agreements is the so-called “4.5-formula,” which allocates seats in the governmental bodies proportionally to the four major clans – Darod, Dir, Hawiye and Rahanweyn – along with a fraction for minority clans and stakeholders from civil society.[9] Decades of political engineering, however, have significantly decreased popular legitimacy for clan leadership. In fact, all major Somali clans fighting for political supremacy are deeply divided, sometimes even within nuclear families.[10]Clan leaders and the whole “system” of clan politics in Somalia is facing increasing commitment problems and continuously diminishing legitimacy. This exacerbates the challenges of forming a representative government of national unity and raises the question of whether building governmental bodies based on the clan system is the best path forward.

Somalia’s functioning institutions are largely to be found at the level of local self-administration. In the absence of functioning state-level governance and facing continuous threats from factions competing for state authority, local experience in administration has been nurtured since 1991. Indeed, a closer look at traditional Somali governance reveals the fundamentals of social life, widely disregarded by most international approaches to the peace process.

Somali society is traditionally based on a complicated system of horizontal and collective loyalties on a jilib,[11] sub-clan and clan level. A compensatory, discursive and polycentric legal system of collective responsibilities has been the foundation of governance, relying on the legitimacy of guurti – respected clan elders, elected at the community level and acting as personal legal advisers to clan leaders. This customary law, called xeer in Somali, is a truly indigenous and highly regarded element of Somali society, which offered a unifying foundation even prior to the establishment of a common language. Despite the continuity of xeer from pre-colonial times into the 21st century, it is worth noting that the clan system is anything but a rigid form of collective categorization. Boundaries are fluid, with individual ties and allegiances crosscutting and often blurry. Clearly, the reductionist cliché that everything in the country is based solely on clan dynamics does not account for the existence of power configurations such as Islamist movements and organized criminal gangs, which cut across clan groups .[12]

Community-based governance in Somalia has always been a form of kritarchy – judicial and political decision-making by judges who are directly nominated and thus legitimized by local constituencies.[13] While the chaos of civil war has dominated the broad political landscape in Somalia, initiatives to secure stability and order have been continued by the xeer (especially in northern Somaliland), and by the rise of Islamic Courts in the South. Islam plays an integral role in society and politics. It survived a bizarre marriage with Siad Barre’s proclaimed “scientific socialism” and now endures during the schism between moderate forces and Salafists as well as internal disputes within jihadist groups. Islamic Courts and their shura councils consisting of clan leaders are at the core of existing regional and perhaps future state-level jurisdiction and administration. In April 2009, the transitional parliament passed a shari’a bill, yet in practice xeer continues to be the prime source of law, implemented by local authorities and elders.[14]

From “Transitional” to “Provisional” to Federal: Assessing the New Roadmap

The essential power shifts required to create stability in Somalia are twofold: on the one hand, current TFG officials and political leaders have to accept a transition of power from the current dysfunctional and illegitimate structures to a more representative, inclusive, and effective framework. On the other hand, the vertical approach aimed at establishing the state’s monopoly of violence has to give way to a horizontal dispensation of governance. Local stability – achievable though traditional means of jurisdiction and administration – is the precondition for a broader framework of integrated statehood. It is obvious that one cannot disregard the leverage and significance of top-level elites for any kind of progress, irrespective of their conflicting dispositions towards basic standards of transparency, legitimacy, or human rights. Yet, the empowerment of bottom-up initiatives and the inclusion of the public in the political process are obvious missing elements that have been disregarded for too long. How does this analysis reflect actual developments?


On September 6th, 2011, senior TFG officials under the auspices of the United Nations (UN) and East Africa’s Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) signed a statement on the adoption of a roadmap, ending the transition in Somalia.[15] The consultative meeting outlined four priority tasks – Security, Constitution, Reconciliation and Good Governance – and drafted principles of implementation with rather ambitious benchmarks and timelines, such as the adoption of a draft constitution by July 1st, 2012. It is encouraging that the initial design for the constitutional process takes note of the importance of regional administrations and accommodates consultation with stakeholders on the issues of federalism and decentralization.[16]

Two-and-a-half months later, the first Somali National Consultative Conference convened. It consisted of six individuals: the President, the Prime Minister, the Presidents of Puntland and Galmudug – two autonomous regions to be officially recognized later as founding federal states, a representative of Ahlu Sunnah wal Jamaa'ah (ASWJ) – a moderate yet militarily significant Sufi group allied with the TFG, and the Speaker of the Transitional Federal Parliament (TFP), who was removed from his post by a vote of no-confidence prior to the conference. This UN-backed meeting (together with its follow-up session in February 2012)[17] built on the September roadmap, outlining the so-called “Garowe Principles”. A temporary National Constituent Assembly (NCA) was conceived, consisting of 1000 delegates, 30% of who are women and all of which are to be nominated in accordance with the 4.5-formula by the Roadmap signatories. The conference mandated the provisional adoption of a draft constitution, with a bicameral parliament encompassing representatives of federal states and regional administrations in the Upper House, while the Lower House would consist of MPs elected based on the principle of proportionality (but selected on the basis of the 4.5-formula for only the first term). The new parliament would be significantly downsized with an Upper House of 225 members and a Lower House (the only democratically elected chamber) capped at 54 - a significant reduction from the 550 seats currently within the TFP. Its projected mandate would include both the preparation of a referendum as well as general elections (realistically not occurring before 2016). Its members are to be nominated by “recognized traditional elders” assisted by prominent civil society members or existing state administrations. Also agreed on was the adoption of a parliamentary rather than a presidential system.[18]

In other words, only a handful of non-elected TFG and regional decision-makers (including the TFP speaker Sheikh Aden, who was removed from office by legislation despite the president’s and the UN’s refusal to accept the vote of no-confidence) nominates over 1000 delegates for the NCA, which then adopts a constitution drafted by a committee of experts consisting of up to nine individuals appointed by the very same decision-makers. A fifteen-member Electoral Commission, again chosen by the same group of individuals, has the power to verify (and hence dismiss) the NCA and Parliament nominees. Traditional elders, in turn, nominate the latter based on certain criteria, one of which is “relevant experience”. Throughout the entire process, the roles of civil society and the Somali people are limited to a consultative status at best. Concerns have also been raised over the presence of non-elected entities such as that of Galmudug and of the ASWJ, both of which are allegedly receiving financial support from neighboring states. Following the Garowe communiqué, an open letter signed by 85 individuals (including the former Somali president and prime minister) was published.[19] It points out the lack of fair political representation as remaining the most serious problem of the Garowe Principles.

With international attention now back on Somalia,[20] UK Prime Minister David Cameron hosted a ceremonial 6-hour conference in London on the 23rd of February with representation from over 40 governments and high-level participants such as that of U.S. Secretary of State Hilary Clinton and UN Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon. The draft of the final communiqué, however, was leaked on the 13th of February – ten days before the conference.[21] Alongside a number of rhetorical commitments to the peace process in the areas of politics, security and justice, piracy, terrorism, stability and recovery, humanitarian, and international coordination, the communiqué also welcomed a UN Security Council Resolution expanding the mandate of the African Union’s Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) and raising the troop ceiling from 12,000 to a maximum of 17,731.[22] Annex B and C of the London communiqué outline key principles for support of the Somali Security and Justice sectors in order to promote “local areas of stability”, emphasizing important core issues such as the role of local communities, ownership, representation, legitimacy, transparency, and accountability.[23] The document remains very vague with few specific commitments and no legally binding provisions. Regardless, the spotlight is back on Somalia, and changes in the existing setup of governmental arrangements are to be expected.[24] It seems clear that the “transitional” structures will give way to new “provisional” structures in the course of the year, yet it remains doubtful that substantial power shifts to a more decentralized federal form of government or measures to resolve the crisis will be implemented. In June, a follow-up to the London Conference on Somalia will take place in Istanbul.

A Window of Opportunity? Projecting Chances and Challenges

Life seems to be returning to the “failed state” in the Horn of Africa, whose Government’s mandate is about to expire. Turkey has completed major improvements to Mogadishu’s airport and continues to invest in infrastructure and social services in Somalia.[25] New embassies have opened in the capital for the first time in sixteen years. US development assistance to Somalia is increasing, and there are two new oil exploration wells in Puntland. This month, the de-facto independent Somaliland will be holding council elections followed by parliamentary elections in May 2013, though without any articulated intention to be a part of a new Somalia after the transition. Further south, al-Shabaab is on the retreat but will likely remain a factor of instability due to its channels of external financing and support. The long-term impact of the recent famine is hard to assess. Somalia remains vulnerable to famine and drought, particularly since the Somali economy is heavily dependent on agricultural production and livestock. With national elections projected for 2016, the delimitation of electoral boundaries into new federal entities and voter registration will pose major challenges to the political process once the “Transitional” Federal Institutions have morphed into “Provisional” Federal Institutions. The increase in AMISOM troops, which will include the Kenyan contingents that have been in Somalia since the Linda Nchi (“save the nation”) military operation in October 2011,[26] cannot preclude the necessary Security Sector Reform of the Somali National Army (SNA) and police force.

The above analysis indicates that the current process is unlikely to result in an actual power shift towards new legitimate and democratic structures. As long as the power to shape the constitutional framework remains in the hands of the very actors responsible for the stagnating implementation of the Djibouti peace process, no substantial improvement will take place.

However, two aspects may bring about a new window of opportunity. Firstly, rhetorical commitments and the embedded elements of the roadmap could, if nothing else, generate expectations of a more inclusive, representative, and legitimate polity. This, in turn, could trigger change through public pressure. The danger is that this can also lead to intensified conflict, particularly if decision-makers in the provisional institutions do not meet public demands. Secondly, the international attention that came with the London Conference on Somalia could create the necessary awareness for the development of a highly decentralized federal framework, in which decision-making power shifts towards the local and regional levels. Such a framework would be fundamental to any form of effective and sustainable institutional setup in Somalia. Essentially, the rather ambiguous rhetoric of “local ownership” by the international community needs to be followed through with actions. Spoilers to the process must also be sanctioned. Internally, the selection process of decision makers will have to be driven entirely by community-based constituencies and be guided by traditional elders who enjoy real legitimacy.

In order for this to happen, external involvement in the conflict must be efficiently contained, as the current faction leaders’ capacity to generate power is highly dependent on arms proliferation and financial flows from neighboring states. Effective containment has the potential to make warlords re-evaluate their cost-benefit calculations and could eventually instigate a transition from the existing war economy to a more open market-based system. There is hardly any need to persuade the population that a continuation of current dynamics would make them worse off. However, whilst a long-lasting conflict may be to the detriment of all groups concerned, nevertheless it remains profitable for individual leaders in power.

While all major Somali peace conferences have led to normative agreements and reforms, no substantial and sustainable constitutional and democratic consolidation has ever taken place prior to the establishment of the new interim governments. Power-sharing agreements such as the 4.5 clan quota have proven inefficient; reforms have been drafted only on paper. We are facing the need for substantial alternatives that go beyond only paying lip service to the Somali people in some distant future, once security permits it. As soon as the new Federal Institutions are in place later this year, robust measures to provide fundamental security and the rule of law will have to follow, opening a space for a broader constitutional discourse and ultimately leading to successful local, regional, and national elections.

In terms of security, a clear and robust mandate has to be drafted for the extended AMISOM mission after the transitional institutions expire in August 2012. Such a mandate will have to be met with appropriate capacities, including logistical capabilities for a decisive campaign against al-Shabaab, and a military capable of securing absorbed territories – especially of the port city Kismayo, an essential stronghold of the Islamist militia. Structured and coordinated training of the Somali National Army and police forces will have to be conducted and concluded with a gradual transition to complete autonomy. In the medium-term, the crucial tasks of the security forces will be, first, to safeguard borders and secure ports from direct foreign intervention, piracy threats, and arms proliferation. Second, they will need to monitor the Ogaden region in Ethiopia, as it is home to many Somalis and competing political factions and thus decisive for stability and security within Somalia. Third, logistical and operative support for local and regional administrations within the constitutional framework will be essential to contain spoilers aspiring to capitalize on the new governmental institutions. Finally, listed war criminals will have to be extradited to an appropriate tribunal, with no exceptions for former TFG members and faction leaders such as al-Shabaab commanders.

The establishment of an International Criminal Tribunal for Somalia (ICTS) would be an appropriate response to public concerns about the atrocities committed by individual politicians and warlords during the course of the civil war. The larger the timeframe and regional scope, the stronger the perceived credibility and impartiality of the jurisdiction of the tribunal will be, though pragmatic compromises will have to be anticipated.

In the long run, the possibility of a power shift towards peaceful, decentralized governance and the stability of the new constitutional order will depend on the successful empowerment of community-level initiatives for infrastructure buildup; with an effective Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration (DDR) process (including incentives for militia deserters), economic development, and broadly accepted local governance based on xeer institutions and Islamic Courts where appropriate.

Based on the innovative idea of the so-called “Freeport clans” coined by Samaroon clansmen and conceptualized by Michael van Notten,[27] new inclusive functional and socioeconomic clans – “a community governed as kritarchy”[28] – could provide an organizational structure exercising the shared administration of ports, local markets, and natural resources. Such business clans, fused by contract rather than kinship, would operate economic hubs purely on free-market principles while still being rooted in Somali customary law, thus coupling local economic development with the global business community.

As indicated above, rich traditions of consensual decision-making and peace building exist in Somali society. Once acknowledged and shielded from destructive foreign interference, such feasible practices could significantly enrich the political process. Legal foundations for the rule of law have to take into account the effective and legitimate local traditions of jurisprudence, ultimately fusing xeer, shari’a, and internationally recognized principles of human rights into a comprehensive, polycentric, and decentralized yet coordinated body of customary law. The establishment of a xeer-based Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) could foster the reconciliation process through its compensatory rather than punitive nature. Economically, emphasis must be placed on stabilizing regional and national free trade and subsequently extending the development of areas for international business around free ports and market hubs. This will serve to gradually integrate Somalia into the world economy – facilitating venture capital, foreign direct investment, and streamlining legal export provisions.


The realization of a genuine power shift towards peaceful governance after the imminent transition to a new constitutional arrangement in Somalia is unlikely. The existing political roadmap is primarily a rhetorical concession to urgently required changes. In its current design, it ultimately leaves power in the hands of the same people who have failed to implement previous peace plans. Recent political developments have attracted increased international attention, yet within Somalia substantial commitment to required reforms seems to be lacking. Nevertheless, the roadmap provides a window of opportunity in that it could trigger new expectations on the part of the Somali people, and raise international awareness about Somali political life.[29]

After two decades of civil war, Somalia is at a crossroads. The current roadmap recognizes that a highly decentralized form of governance is required for the country to stabilize. This recognition has the potential to open up a path to gradual pacification, economic development, and a legitimate (decentralized) form of governance. However, the challenge of implementing the roadmap and orchestrating this transition also poses dangers, since warlords and potential spoilers will undoubtedly seek to derail the peace process. There are indications that current TFG officials will try to retain power beyond August 2012, thus endangering the transition.[30] If the current roadmap is to succeed, robust peace-enforcement operations will have to secure the terrain, effective incentives for decision-makers and potential spoilers will have to be conceived, and innovative approaches to attaining economic growth and ensuring the rule of law will need to be assessed and applied. The window of opportunity that this paper has identified will not remain open for long. The next few months will show if the failed state Somalia has finally expired.

Notes & References

  1. Ioan M. Lewis, “Somalia”, in: Africa South of the Sahara, ed. Iain Frame (41st edition, London and New York: Routledge, 2012), 1122-1144.
  2. On the United States most recent strategic considerations in Somalia see: Brownyn E. Bruton, Somalia: A New Approach, Council Special Report No. 52, March 2010 (New York: Council on Foreign Relations), somalia/somalia/p21421.
  3. Ismail I. Ahmed and Reginald Herbold Green, “The heritage of war and state collapse in Somalia and Somaliland: local-level effects, external interventions and reconstruction”, Third World Quarterly, Vol. 20, No 1 (1999): 113-127.
  4. International Crisis Group, “Somalia: An Opportunity that Should Not Be Missed”, Policy Briefing. Africa Briefing N˚87, Nairobi/Brussels, 22 February 2012, media/Files/africa/horn-of-africa/somalia/b87-somalia-an-opportunity-that-should-not-be-missed.pdf.
  5. Abdi Ismail Samatar, “Ethiopian Invasion of Somalia, US Warlordism & AU Shame”, in: Another World is Possible, ed. Branwen Gruffydd Jones, Review of African Political Economy, Vol. 34, No. 111 (London: ROAPE Publications), 155-165.
  6. Pieter D. Wezeman, “Arms Flows and the Conflict in Somalia”, SIPRI Background Paper, October 2010 (Solna: Stockholm International Peace Research Institute), misc/SIPRIBP1010b.pdf.
  7. International Crisis Group, “Somalia: The Transitional Government on Life Support”, Africa Report N˚170, 21 February 2011, somalia/170 Somalia The Transitional Government on Life Support.pdf.
  8. Paula Cristina Roque, “Somalia: Understanding Al-Shabaab”, Situation Report, Institute for Security Studies, 3 June 2009,
  9. International Crisis Group, “Negotiating a Blueprint for Peace in Somalia”, Africa Report N˚59, 6 March 2003, a Blueprint for Peace in Somalia.pdf.
  10. Richard Dowden, “Don’t Force Statehood on Somalia”, African Arguments Online (London: Royal African Society & Social Science Research Council, 2011), 2011/10/20/don’t-force-statehood-on-somalia-by-richard-dowden.
  11. A jilib is the most important unit of affiliation in Somalia. It is the so-called diya or ‘blood money’ paying group that forms a part of bigger sub-clan entities, which in turn merge into clans. Jilibs are based on lineages and central in traditional jurisdiction, as they bear the responsibility of compensation for an individual’s crime.
  12. Andre Le Sage, “Stateless Justice in Somalia. Formal and Informal Rule of Law Initiatives”, Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue, July 2005 Report (Geneva: Henry Dunant Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue), report.pdf: 32-35
  13. Michael van Notten, “From Nation-State to Stateless Nation: The Somali Experience”, 24 April 2000, Amsterdam,
  14. Economist Intelligence Unit, Somalia. Country Report, February 2012 (London: Economist Intelligence Unit Limited), (promotional content): 5.
  15., “Somalia: Country’s Political Roadmap”, Analysis, 22 February 2012, UN Integrated Regional Information Networks, distributed by AllAfrica Global Media, 201202221130.html.
  16. Consultative Meeting on Ending the Transition in Somalia, Statement on Adoption of the Roadmap & Annex I, Mogadishu, 6 September 2011, Repository UNPOS/110906 - Signed statement on adoption of the Roadmap.pdf and /Portals/UNPOS/Repository UNPOS/110906 - Initialled Roadmap.pdf.
  17. Second Somali National Consultative Constitutional Conference, Final Communiqué, 15-17 February 2012, Garowe, Puntland, Somalia; =RhnQqHTAfCA%3D.
  18. First Somali National Consultative Constitutional Conference, Final Communiqué. 21-23 December 2011, Garowe, Puntland, Somalia; =HGL2Wx5OstE%3D.
  19. Abdulquasim Salad Hassan et al., “An open letter concerning ‘The Garowe Principles’”, sent to UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon, the UN Security Council, the African Union and the Arab League, 31 December 2011,
  20. The Economist, “Somalia’s future: A ray of hope”, Middle East and Africa. Print Edition, 25 February 2012 (London: The Economist Newspaper Limited): 34-35.
  21., “Leaked Document on London Somalia Conference. London conference Communiqué on Somalia is leaked (Feb 13, 2012), 10 days before the conference”, london_leaked_doc.html.
  22. United Nations Security Council, “Resolution 2036 (2012)”, Adopted by the Security Council at its 6718th meeting, on 22 February 2012, 47/PDF/N1223847.pdf and UN News Centre, “Security Council calls for large increase to African peace force in Somalia”, 22 February 2012, 41334.
  23. Foreign & Commonwealth Office, London Conference on Somalia: Communiqué, full text of the Communiqué from the London Conference on Somalia at Lancaster House on 23 February 2012, 727627582.
  24. Comfort Ero, “Somalia: The London Conference’s Opportunity”, The African Peacebuilding Agenda, International Crisis Group, 22 February 2012, 2012/02/22/somalia-the-london-conference’s-opportunity.
  25. Economist Intelligence Unit, Somalia. Country Report, 14.
  26. Ibid., 7. See also: Abena Afia, “On Kenya’s War Agains Al-Shabaab - Analysis”, in: Eurasia Review, Pambazuka News, 11 Nov 2011,
  27. Michael van Notten, The Law of The Somalis. A Stable Foundation for Economic Development in the Horn of Africa, ed. Spencer H. MacCallum (Trention, NJ & Asmara: The Read Sea Press, 2005), 159-170.
  28. Ibid., 161.
  29. UN News Centre, “Somalia has best chance in decades to end conflict, Security Council told”, 5 March 2012,
  30. Economist Intelligence Unit, Somalia. Country Report, 8.
Maximilian M. Meduna holds masters degrees in Political Science and Social Anthropology. His studies abroad include Spain, Russia and Italy. Having completed a program in International Relations at the Diplomatic Academy in Vienna, he is now due to graduate from The Johns Hopkins University's SAIS Bologna Center in May 2012. His academic and professional focus lies in the fields of peacebuilding and conflict management.